Thanks so much for writing about this. I'd wanted to post something, but time and lack of knowing what to say both hindered me, and you did a way better job with much more to say than I ever could have.
One of the basic questions I have out of all of these protests and violence is to what degree do Ortega and the grassroots supporters of the FSLN converge or diverge? It's no big secret how Ortega nearly completely sold out his progressive ideals to get elected president. Is there a major division between his supporters' ideals and his in this regard, or did they adopt the "well, if that's what it takes to get elected" attitude, or something altogether different? And to what extent do the current conflicts reflect support of Ortega (if at all), or is there even a major break between Ortega and the local candidates from the FSLN in terms of policy, goals, and/or ideology? (lots of questions, I know, but it's just not really getting answered in the reports).
First, I think a lot of people are trying to frame this election as a referendum on Ortega and his rule, but that is just wrong. People were voting on their candidates for mayor and municipal councilors, who are likely known to many voters because most municipalities are incredibly small. There has been a disconnect for a long time, since the early 90s, between the FSLN vote generally and support for Ortega, and support for the party and other Sandinista candidates has generally been much higher than for Ortega.
As far as a similarity in ideals between Ortega and the rest of the FSLN, I don't really know. My sense is that there are still a lot of committed Sandinistas within the party that may not agree with Ortega and his methods, but recognize the other parties are not viable vehicles for obtaining office or pushing certain policies. There have also been a lot of vocal critics of the FSLN that have left the party, but these people were already well known prior to leaving the party and probably had some other options open to them (Like Dora Maria Tellez, Ernesto Cardenal, Sergio Ramirez, etc). But, I generally don't think the conflict is really about ideology or policy, and the FSLN has not exactly been a coherent ideological party for a long time. I think it has a lot more to do with getting a job or obtaining power in a very poor country with very scarce resources.
I don't think the current conflicts reflect support for Ortega, he is a polarizing figure, but likely has more support than is let onto in the media. There are a lot of very poor Sandinistas that still look up to Ortega, and Ortega is able to connect with these people in ways that educated and urban Liberal elites cannot. However, these supporters of the FSLN and Ortega have little access to media and so this part of the story is never going to be told on an international scale. I should add though that this impression of Ortega's support is based on my own observations when I was in Nicaragua back in 2003, and so I could be way off base now.
Not sure how coherent that is, but hope it helps!
I believe that Ortega really only cares about Ortega. After El Pacto with the horrid Aleman that became abundantly clear.
Yann - that does clarify a lot, so thanks. It would be interesting to know the breakdown and comparison of the FSLN in local vs. national perspective to trace any similarities, differences, or regional characteristics, but lord knows that would take a lot of time. Still, if you ever come across any articles (academic or otherwise), I'd love to know about them.
A bit off-topic but since his name came up in comments, Southwestern is bringing in Ernesto Cardenal for a talk, so that should be pretty interesting.
Mr Trend, here is a list of not so great sources, but it is really all I have been able to ever find on this topic. I tried to write a paper on these issues a few years ago, so that's why I have found all these obscure references. All the Envio stuff is available at envio.org.ni. The other sources I've found in scattered places.
Brown, Ed, and Jonathan Cloke. 2005. “Neoliberal Reform, Governance, and Corruption in Central America: Exploring the Nicaraguan Case.” Political Geography 24(5): 601-630.
Envío Team. 2000a. “Nicaragua’ s Municipal Elections: The Good, the Bad, and the Uncertain.” Envío 232 (November).
González, Alejandro. 1997a. “Municipalities: Where Democracy is Born.” Envío 189 (April).
González, Alejandro. 1997b. “Local Power: the Participation that Makes Miracles.” Envío 190 (May).
Grigsby, William. 2003. “The Bankruptcy of Municipal Governments and the Swindle of Municipal Autonomy.” Envío 264 (July).
Grigsby, William. 2004a. “The 2004 Municipal Elections: Final Forecasts.” Envío 279 (October).
Grigsby, William. 2004b. “The 2004 Municipal Elections: Is the Die Almost Cast?” Envío 270 (January).
Grigsby, William. 2004d. “2004 Municipal Elections: FSLN-Convergence Victory in Numbers.” Envío 280 (November).
Howard, Joanna. 2002. “Write ups on Estelí’s participatory planning initiative.” Presented at the LogoLink International Workshop in Participatory Planning: Approaches for Local Governance, Bandung, Indonesia (January 20-27). (April 6, 2005).
Howard, Joanna. 2004. “Citizen Voice and Participation in Local Governance: Perspectives from Nicaragua.” Community Development Journal 39(3): 224-233.
Montenegro, Sofía, and Elvira Cuadra. 2004. The Keys to Empowerment: Ten Years of Experience of the Xochilt-Acatl Women’s Center in Malpaisillo, Nicaragua. Madison, WI: WCCN.
Ortega Hegg, Manuel. 2001. Cultura politica, gobierno local, y descentralización. Nicaragua. San Salvador: FLASCO El Salvador.
Ortega Hegg, Manuel. 2003. “La conversión de un “canal formal” en un “espacio real” de participación social: la celebración del cabildo municipal y la definición del presupuesto de inversiones del municipio de Estelí.” In Ricardo Córdova Macías and Leslie Quiñónez Basagoitia, eds. Participacíon ciudadana y desarollo local en centroamérica. San Salvador: FUNDAUNGO, 265-74.
Pérez Acuña, Ramón Uriel. 2002. “La participación ciudadana en Estelí.” Presented at the LogoLink International Workshop in Participatory Planning: Approaches for Local Governance, Bandung, Indonesia (January 20-27). (April 6, 2005).
Pineda Gadea, Claudia. 2003. “Informe de Trabajo: Las experiencias de participación cívica en políticas y procesos de preparación del presupuesto municipal en Estelí.” Instituto Banco Mundial. (April 6, 2005).
Rocha, José Luís, and Thelma Martínez. 2000. “A Country Divided: Relative Defeats and Victories.” Envío 232 (November).
Rocha, José Luis. 2000. “Jinotepe and Diriamba: Two Case Studi
What was cut off:
Rocha, José Luis. 2000. “Jinotepe and Diriamba: Two Case Studies of a Defeat.” Envío 232 (November).
Rocha, José Luis. 2001. “The Women of Malpaisillo: ‘Our Lives Have Changed’.” Envío 238 (May).
Oh, and all the Envio sources are available in English and Spanish.
Commenting by HaloScan
